The University of Connecticut’s History Department held their 152nd Foreign Policy Seminar last Friday, March 28. The 152nd speaker was Professor Christopher McKnight Nichols of Ohio State University. His talk was titled “The Untold Story of Isolationism” and he detailed the history of the United States’ relationship with the isolationism ideology since the 18th century.
Nichols started his talk by stating that history acts as a “vaccine against superficiality,” and that context is essential to protect one from superficial ideas.
Nichols next stated the three core ideas for U.S. Isolationism that emerged from the founding fathers and early presidents. First, George Washington pushed for a neutral U.S. and a unilateral strategy. Thomas Jefferson supported the same ideals, especially unilateralism and focused inwards on American problems instead of global ones. Finally, the Monroe Doctrine from President James Monroe focused on European powers. The Monroe Doctrine considered the movement of European Colonies into the Americas as a hostile act towards the U.S., essentially creating a sphere of influence in the Americas for the U.S.
Nichols next jumped to 1898, a time of modernization for America and the isolationist movement. This is around the time when the term “isolationist” gets thrown around. It’s also the time when America began its modernization, where people start moving to cities and when reform movements are in full swing.
The late 19th century is also when the first isolationist lobby, the Anti-Imperialism League, was established. The League was a diverse and reputable organization, filled with a lot of different voices across the political spectrum.
As seen in the name, the league’s main goal was to combat imperialism and bring the U.S. governments attention back towards itself. Nichols next fast-forwarded to WW1, just before the heyday of the isolationism movement in the 1920s and ‘30s. That doesn’t mean the isolationism movement is wavering as both presidential candidates in 1916 ran on isolationist platforms, advocating for reduced immigration, an America-first focus and staying out of WW1.
Nichols then explained the context behind America’s involvement in World War I in 1917. First, it took three years for America to get dragged into the war. Even while fighting in the war, they fought on their own terms and settled their own peace with Germany. According to Nichols, these actions do strongly follow the tenets of isolationism set by Jefferson.
World War I also brought up another concern: Who should be responsible for leading America into wars?
This soon became a highly politicized question. In 1934, the U.S. Senate’s Nye Committee tried to answer this question as they looked at who stood to profit from World War I. They found out that the defense industry had the most to profit from war and that war was about profit, not national honor nor defense. The committee’s finding led to a radical rethinking of World War I, and this revisionist history became a part of the core tenets for the next isolationist lobby: America First.
America First, much like its predecessor, was also a diverse and reputable lobby, comprising members from all across the political spectrum. Founded in 1940, America First had one core policy: Stay out of World War II — an implicitly isolationist rhetoric.
America First also had other issues they wanted to address, like the growing power of the executive branch. Nichols manages to tie this back to the whole debate about who should have the authority to lead the U.S. into wars: Congress or the people? Nichols talked about the proposed Ludlow Amendment that would have let a national referendum decide whether America should enter a conflict.
The final period of isolationism Nichols covered is the 1950s. Approaching the 1952 election, isolationism appears again but with a new coat of paint. The likely Republican candidate, Robert Taft, subscribed to the “free hand” ideology, which states that “American sovereignty should be protected at all costs,” according to Nichols.
This was bad news for the incumbent Truman and the Democrats. As this idea proved both persuasive and popular to voters, and could hinder the Democratic party’s plan; as in 1949 America joined NATO, and Taft had his qualms about being in such an alliance with other countries. In the end though, Eisenhower became the republican candidate and president in the ’52 elections and continued down the cold war interventionist route.
To conclude, Nichols went over the main branches of isolationism. There is political isolationism, where advocates argue America shouldn’t enter global agreements and alliances. Then there is protectionist isolationism, where advocates are skeptical of international trade and support trade barriers within the U.S.
Nichols’ final point is to emphasize that isolationism is not about geographic borders but is rather a game of “us versus them” and exclusivity. To Nichols, they focus on “conceptual borders” rather than literal ones.